Who Controls the Media?

Soulless corporations do, of course.

Corporations with grinning, double-breasted executives, interlocking directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital.

- Dow

- General Electric

- Coca-Cola

- Disney

Newspapers ought to have mastheads that mirror the world:

- The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar

- The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser

It is starting to dawn on a rising number of armchair ombudsmen that the public print reports news from a parallel universe - one which has never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking thefts, mind management, demise squads and even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened by cocaine gross sales - a spot overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their greatest behavior.

In this idyllic land, essentially the most severe infraction an official can commit - is a the employment of a home servant with (shudder) no residency status.

This unlikely land of enchantment is the creation of MOCKINGBIRD.

It was conceived within the late 1940s, probably the most frigid period of the cold struggle, when the CIA began a scientific infiltration of the corporate media, a process that usually included direct takeover of main news shops.

In this period, the American intelligence companies competed with communist activists abroad to affect European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination.

Philip Graham, a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken underneath Wisner's wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.

"By the early 1950s," writes former Village Voice reporter Deborah Davis in Katharine the great, "Wisner 'owned' revered members of the new York Times, Newsweek, CBS and different communications autos, plus stringers, 4 to six hundred in all, in accordance with a former CIA analyst."

The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a templar for German and American corporations who wished their points of view represented in the general public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and wire businesses consenting to act as organs of CIA propaganda.

Many of these were already run by men with reactionary views, amongst them,

- William Paley (CBS)

- C.D. Jackson (Fortune)

- Henry Luce (Time)

- Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times)

Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled to seek out in FOIA paperwork that brokers boasting in CIA workplace memos of their pleasure in having placed "important property" inside every major news publication in the nation.

It was not till 1982 that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have acted as case officers to brokers in the sphere.

"World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March, 1947. "It is within the opening skirmish stage already."

The issue featured an excerpt of a guide by James Burnham, who called for the creation of an,

"American Empire," "world-dominating in political power, arrange a minimum of partly by means of coercion (probably including war, but definitely the risk of war) and by which one group of individuals ... would hold more than its equal share of energy."

George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947, explaining that,

"although avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a superior individuals taking over the world and ruling it, began to appear within the press, whereas the organs of Wall Street had been rather more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably leading to battle if it introduced larger business markets beneath the American flag."

On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the CIA and William Paley, a wartime colonel and the founder of CBS.

A firm believer in "all types of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the Pentagon, Paley employed CIA brokers to work undercover on the behest of his close good friend, the busy gray eminence of the nation's media, Allen Dulles. Paley's designated go-between in his dealings with the CIA was Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961.

The CIA's assimilation of previous guard fascists was overseen by the Operations Coordination Board, directed by C.D. Jackson, formerly an executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold War Strategy. In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who stop a yr later, disgusted on the administration's political infighting.

Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold conflict strategist.

"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former lawyer for the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations, took "a small boy's delight within the arcane tools of the intelligence craft - the hidden microphones, the 'black' propaganda."

Nixon especially loved his go to to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis within the "particular forces" drilling at covert operations.

One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence underground was heroin smuggler Hubert von Bleucher, poptopic.com.au/article/the-biggest-gambling-wins-in-history/ the son of A German ambassador. Hubert usually bragged that that he was educated by the Abwehr, the German military intelligence division, whereas still a civilian in his twenties.

He served in a recon unit of the German Army till pressured out for medical causes in 1944, in line with his wartime information.

He labored briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on a film entitled At some point..., and finished out the battle flying with the Luftwaffe, but not to have interaction the enemy - his mission was the smuggling of Nazi loot out of the country. His exploits had been, partially, the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the knockover of the Reichsbank at the end of the struggle.

In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named Huberto von Bleucher Corell, he immediately paid court docket to Eva Peron, presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a range from the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?).

Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the Hotel Plaza to deliver German marks price $80 million. The loot financed the delivery of the National Socialist Party in Argentina, amongst different forms of Nazi revival.

In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color Corporation of America in Hollywood. He eked out a dwelling writing scripts for the booming film industry. His voice could be heard on a film set in the Amazon, produced by Walt Disney.

Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Dusseldorf, West Germany, and established a agency that developed not film scripts, but anti-chemical warfare brokers for the government.

At the Industrie Club in Dusseldorf in 1982, von Bleucher boasted to journalists,

"I am chief shareholder of Pan American Airways. I am the best buddy of Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is forty five percent financed by me. I am thus the biggest financier ever to appear within the Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by these people over their second bottle of brandy."

Probably not.

Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken dreams of world-transferring affluence were, in their time, Moses Annenberg, publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the CIA/mob-anchored publisher of the Tv Guide. Like most American high-rollers, Annenberg lived a double life. Moses, his father, was a scion of the Capone mob.

Both Moses and Walter had been indicted in 1939 for tax evasions totaling many tens of millions of dollars - the biggest case in the historical past of the Justice Department. Moses pled guilty and agreed to pay the federal government $eight million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims, penalties and curiosity debts. Moses acquired a 3-12 months sentence.

He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.

Walter Annenbeg, the Tv Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican.

On the marketing campaign trail in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet.

"This is the topping on the cake," Bush's regional campaign director told the Los Angeles Times.

The Bush team met at Annenberg's plush Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands, California.

It was on the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the state's social and contributor registers built over a quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose appearing profession was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.

The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a CIA front, presented the intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even prying in the age of Big Brother.

George Orwell glimpsed the potentialities when he installed omniscient video surveillance expertise in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first version published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace.

Operation Octopus, based on federal information, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program that turned any tv set with tubes right into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could decide up audio and visible pictures with the equipment as far as 25 miles away.

Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his disappearance in the midst of the Watergate probe.

In 1952, at MCA, Actors' Guild president Ronald Reagan - a display idol recruited by MOCKINGBIRD's Crusade for Freedom to lift funds for the resettlement of Nazis within the U.S., in accordance with Loftus - signed a secret waiver of the conflict-of-interest rule with the mob-managed studio, in impact granting it a labor monopoly on early tv programming.

In alternate, MCA made Reagan a part proprietor.

Furthermore, historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the new York Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan had,

"fed the names of suspect folks in his organization to the FBI secretly and often sufficient to be assigned 'an informer's code number, T-10.' His FBI file indicates intense collaboration with producers to 'purge' the business of subversives."

No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former intelligence officer and in the instant postwar period UPI's Moscow correspondent.

Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's Phil Graham, in accordance with Deborah Davis.

Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-movie simian from CIA and Mafia heroin operations. Among other organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell Thomas threw in to launch the infamous Resorts International, the corporate entrance for Lansky's department of the federally-sponsored mob family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities.

Another of the investors was James Crosby, a Cap Cities govt who donated $100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This was the year that Resorts purchased into Atlantic City on line casino interests. Police in New jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the issuance of a gambling license to the corporate, citing Mafia ties.

In 1954, this similar circle of investors, all Catholics, based the broadcasting company notorious for overt propagandizing and normal spookiness. The corporate's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey, who clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind belief even after he was appointed CIA director by Ronald Reagan in 1981.

"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined within the Invisible Government to describe the agency's intertwining pursuits in the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who took to the airwaves.

"Daily, East and West beam a whole bunch of propaganda broadcasts at one another in an unrelenting babble of competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-value transistor has given the hidden battle a brand new importance," enthused one overseas correspondent.

A Hydra of private foundations sprang as much as finance the propaganda push.

One of them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR), acquired a whole lot of 1000's of dollars from the CIA via personal foundations and trusts. OPR research was the idea of a television series that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of individuals and Politics, a "examine" of the American political system in 21 weekly installments.

In Hollywood, the visible cortex of The Beast, the identical CIA/Mafia combination that formed Cap Cities sank its claws into the film studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army during the warfare by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters within the film business.

Rosselli, a CIA asset most likely assassinated by the CIA, performed sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled his office after the dictator's. The one honest job Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former producer for 20th Century Fox.

Rosselli, Capone's representative on the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson, writer of the Hollywood Reporter.

In the 1950s, outlays for world propaganda climbed to a full third of the CIA's covert operations finances. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract CIA employees have been finally engaged in propaganda efforts. The cost of disinforming the world price American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a yr by 1978, a funds bigger than the combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.

In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it labored closely with the intelligence services - actually, 23 workers have been full-time workers of the Agency.

Most shoppers of the corporate media were - and are - unaware of the impact that the salting of public opinion has on their very own beliefs. A community anchorman in time of national disaster is an instrument of psychological warfare within the MOCKINGBIRD media. He's a creature from the national security sector's chamber of horrors.

For this reason consumers of the company press have cause to look at their basic beliefs about government and life within the parallel universe of these United States.

How The Washington Post...

Censors The News - A Letter to The Washington Post - by Julian C. Holmes

from Whale Website

April 25, 1992 Richard Harwood, Ombudsman The Washington Post 1150 fifteenth Street NW Washington, DC 20071

Dear Mr. Harwood,

Though the Washington Post doesn't over-prolong itself in the pursuit of arduous information, simply let drop the faintest rumor of a government "conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the information room.

Aroused from apathy in the each day routine of reporting assignations and numerous other political and social sports events, editors and reporters scramble to the telephones. The klaxon screams its warning: the greatest single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government stability the dreaded "CONSPIRACY Theory"!!

It is not identified whether anybody has really been hassled or accosted by any of these frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs spun by the wacko "CONSPIRACY THEORISTS".

Recall how the Post saved us from the reality about Iran-Contra.

Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the concept that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had conspired to do fallacious (*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta mentioned a few of the conspirators, the Post sprang to guard its readers, and the conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column before printing it (*2).

But for a while the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith middle for legislation and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S. arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets (*3).

In 1988 Leslie Cockburn revealed Out of Control, a seminal work on our bizarre, illegal battle in opposition to Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this discovery process by disparaging the fees of conspiracy and by publishing false info in regards to the drug-smuggling evidence introduced to the House Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed solely a partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from Rangel (*5).

Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity within the drug trade (*6). With its cowl-up of the arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a newly rising menace to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise" conspiracy (*7). But shut on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books with the identical title, "October Surprise" (*8).

Honegger was a member of the Reagan/Bush campaign and transition groups in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the workers of the National Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick published their proof of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to Iran if Iran would delay launch of the fifty two United States hostages till after the November 1980 election. The aim of this deal was to quash the possibility of a pre-election launch (an October surprise). which might have bolstered the reelection prospects for President Carter.

Others printed particulars of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October 1988, Playboy Magazine ran an expose "An Election Held Hostage"; FRONTLINE did one other in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a convention of distinguished journalists, joined by eight of the former hostages, challenged the Congress to "make a full, impartial investigation" of the election/hostage allegations. The Post reported the assertion of the hostages, but not a phrase of the convention itself which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10).

On February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly authorized an "October Surprise" investigation by a job power of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired the House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named as chief workforce counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11).

Just like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown curiosity in pursuing the U.S. arms-for-drugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he derailed House Resolution 485 which had requested President Reagan to reply questions about Contra support activities of government officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John

Hull (from Hamilton's house state). was charged in Costa Rica with "worldwide drug trafficking and hostile acts against the nation's security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling Hull's case "in a way that won't complicate U.S.-Costa Rican relations" (*14). The Post didn't report the Hamilton letter or the Costa Rican response that declared Hull's case to be "in as good hands as our 100 yr outdated uninterrupted democracy can present to all citizens" (*15).

Though the Post does its greatest to information our pondering away from conspiracy theories, it is troublesome to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing entails authorities or company conspiracies:

In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery, surveillance, false arrests, and violence to illegally harass U.S.citizens within the 60's (*16).

The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by "destroying crops, brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other leaders" (*17).

"Standard Oil of latest Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben... of Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the United States was effectively prevented from growing or producing [for World War-II] any substantial amount of artificial rubber," stated Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin (*18).

U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about dosages of radiation "almost sure to produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing close to the nuclear weapons manufacturing facility at Hanford, Washington (*19).

Various branches of Government intentionally drag their feet in getting round to cleaning up the Nation's harmful nuclear weapons websites (*20). State and native governments back the nuclear industry's secret public relations strategy (*21).

"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty complete cancer centers, have misled and confused the public and Congress by repeated claims that we are winning the struggle in opposition to cancer. In reality, the most cancers establishment has frequently minimized the proof for increasing most cancers charges which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, whereas discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable exposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, meals, water, and the office." (*22).

The Bush Administration cover-up of its pre-Gulf-War assist of Iraq "is one more instance of the President's folks conspiring to maintain both Congress and the American people at nighttime" (*23).

When you give it some thought, conspiracy is a basic aspect of doing business in this country.

Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the Pentagon and far of the information media (*24).

Or the widespread plans of business and authorities groups to spend $100 million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated historical past of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the 2 worlds", (*26). relatively than analyzing more practical elements of the Spanish invasion, like "anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and loss of life" (*27).

Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from the INSLAW firm of subtle, law-enforcement pc software which "now point to a widespread conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of INSLAW's expertise", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson (*28).

Or Watergate.

Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where the White House knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence companies did their secret banking (*31), and the place bribery of outstanding American public officials "was a manner of doing enterprise" (*32).

Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of California, Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to exchange electric transportation with gas- and diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of buses and associated products to transportation firms throughout the nation" [in, among others, the cities of recent York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33).

Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). and the U.S. Department of Transportation to overlook security defects within the 1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by General Motors in the early 60's (*34).

Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield intrauterine contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings of the Shield's hazards and which "stonewalled, deceived, lined up, and covered up the cowl-ups...[thus inflicting] on girls a worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections." (*35).

Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA resulted in failure to enforce rules regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 (*36).

Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was bought by manufacturers who ignored checks which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted "in concert with each other in the testing and advertising of DES for miscarriage functions" (*37).

Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of their savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White House, Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of the American individuals" will cost U.S. taxpayers many hundreds of billions of dollars (*38).

Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers, Federal Pacific, and General Electric executives who met surreptitiously in lodge rooms to fix costs and eliminate competition on heavy industrial equipment (*39).

Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for fabricating security assessments on prescription medicine (*40).

Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of medical issues regarding asbestos (*41).

Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil corporations "agreed not to have interaction in any effective price competitors" (*42).

Or the conspiracy amongst U.S. Government companies and the Congress to cover up the character of our decades-old battle against the folks of Nicaragua a covert battle that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a more repressive power (*43).

Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere within the Chilean election process with navy assist, covert actions, and an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of the legitimately elected authorities and the assassination of President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).

Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials together with Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46).

Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in 1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).

Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil firms and the British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed Mossadegh (*49).

Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice Lumumba (*50).

Or the deliberate and willful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole, Senator George Mitchell, numerous U.S. Government companies, and members of each Houses of the Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).

Or the collective approval by sixty four U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the CIA, in the face of "unmistakable evidence that Gates lied about his role within the Iran-Contra scandal" (*52).

Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to help Poland's Solidarity Movement and Hasten the Demise of Communism" (*53).

Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of USAID funds by any country "for the promotion of delivery control or abortion" (*54).

Or "the way in which the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve frequent purpose in Central America" (*55).

Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector Gramajo with the U.S. Army to design "programs to build civilian-navy cooperation" on the U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; 5 of the 9 troopers accused within the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American navy personnel (*56).

Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration to harass and trigger bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter who uncovered harmful working conditions at the ability (*57).

Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nixon and the federal government of South Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks till after the 1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).

Or the pandemic cover-ups of police violence (*59).

Or the always protected-to-cite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60).

Or perhaps the socially accountable, secret consortium to publish The Satanic Verses in paperback (*61).

Conspiracies are obviously a option to get things completed, and the Washington Post provides little remark until conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a really important conspiracy that, as an instance, benefits big business or huge government.

Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of the Iranian government to assist out U.S. oil firms; or like our unlawful war against Panama to tighten U.S. management over Panama and the Canal; or like monopoly management of broadcasting that facilitates company censorship on problems with public importance (*62).

When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence within the conspiring officials can erode relying on how critically the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the general public belief. Erosion of public trust in the established order is what the Post appears to see as an actual menace to its corporate safety.

Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied assaults on Oliver Stone's film "JFK", which reexamines the U.S. Government's official (Warren Commission. discovering that a single gunman, acting alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie is also the story of recent Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's unsuccessful prosecution of Clay Shaw, the one individual ever tried in reference to the assassination.

And the film proposes that the Kennedy assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not be served by a president who, had he lived, may need disengaged us from our conflict against Vietnam.

The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination alongside traces recommended by "JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael Isikoff, have been referred to as up to man the bulwarks in opposition to public sentiment which has never supported the government's non-conspiratorial assassination thesis.

In spite of the information that the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 discovered that "both the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63) and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that President Kennedy was in all probability killed "as a result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding variety of Post tales have been used as automobiles to discredit "JFK" as simply one other conspiracy (*65).

Some of the extra vicious assaults on the film are by editor Stephen Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy might have had second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that there isn't a historical justification for this idea.

Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). However the Post crew simply continues ranting in opposition to the possibility of a excessive-degree assassination conspiracy whereas providing little justification for its arguments.

An example of significantly shabby scholarship and unacceptable habits is George Lardner Jr's contribution to the Post's campaign against the film. Lardner wrote three articles, two earlier than the movie was accomplished, and the third upon its release. In May, six months before the film came out, Lardner obtained a duplicate of the primary draft of the script and, contrary to accepted requirements, revealed in the Post the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this article, (*69).

Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a former Garrison affiliate Pershing Gervais. Lardner doesn't tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government criminal action introduced against Garrison, Government witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted below oath that in a May 1972 interview with a new Orleans tv reporter, he, Gervais, had mentioned that the U.S. Government's case towards Garrison was a fraud (*70).

The Post's 1973 account of the Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy, however after i lately asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether or not he remembered it (*71).

Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his approach through a justification for his unauthorized possession of the early draft ofthe movie (*72). He additionally defended his reference to Pershing Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".

When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73). He again ridiculed the movie's thesis that following the Kennedy assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was written before the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of Kennedy's policy".

In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it. Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version supplied for escalating the struggle in opposition to Vietnam (*74) information that Lardner averted.

The Post's crusade in opposition to exposing conspiracies is blatantly dishonest:

The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for essentially the most half conducted in secret. This reality is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find significant dialogue of the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both the FBI and the CIA (*76).

Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing co-conspirators at area stations to counteract the,

"new wave of books and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have ceaselessly thrown suspicion on our group" and to "focus on the publicity drawback with liaison and pleasant elite contacts, especially politicians and editors "and to "employ propaganda belongings to reply and refute the attacks of the critics. ...Book critiques and have articles are notably acceptable for this goal. ...The goal of this dispatch is to provide materials for countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists..." (*77).

In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis printed Katharine The good, the story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties with Washington's powerful elite, a lot of whom had been with the CIA.

Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim that Bradlee had "produced CIA material" (*78). Understandably delicate about this type of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,

"Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced CIA materials ...what I can do is to model Miss Davis as a fool and to place your organization in that particular little group of publishers who don't give a shit for the truth".

The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of contract and injury to reputation; HBJ settled out of courtroom; and Davis revealed her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply concerned with producing chilly-war/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee nonetheless says the allegations about his association with folks within the CIA are false, however he has apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive documentation offered by Deborah Davis within the second and third editions of her book (*80).

And it isn't as if the Post had been new to conspiracy work.

Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the perform of the press was extra often than to not mobilize consent for the policies of the government, was one of many architects of what grew to become a widespread practice:the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA" (*81).

This scandal was known by its code title Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was extensively known that Phil Graham was someone you could get assist from" (*82). More just lately the Post supplied cowl for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to print his name for over a year up till the day his indictment was announced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).

Of the conferences between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the availability and costs of journalists have been mentioned, a former CIA man recalls, "You could get a journalist cheaper than a great name lady, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One could wish to consider Philip Graham's philosophy together with a more moderen assertion from his wife Katharine Graham, present Chairman of the Board of the Washington Post.

In a lecture on terrorism and the information media, Mrs. Graham said:

"A second challenge dealing with the media is how to stop terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The point is that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and we've learned higher how and the place to attract the line, though the decisions are often troublesome" (*85).

Today, the Post and its world of large business are apparently terrified that our elite and our high-level public officials may be uncovered as conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is actually exceptional in that, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post runs its enterprise as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs a conspiracy "to act or work collectively towards the same end result or goal" (*86).

But where the Post actually parts firm from just plain folks is when it pretends that conspiracies related to big business or authorities are "coincidence". Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration inherent in having to take care of this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver Stone and suggests that Stone may very well imagine that the Post's opposition to Stone's movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that Stone's complaints are "groundless and paranoid and smack of McCarthyism" (*87).

So how does the Post justify devoting so much vitality to ridiculing those that examine conspiracies?

The Post has answers: folks revert to conspiracy theories as a result of they want something "neat and tidy" (*88) that,

"plugs a hole no different typically accepted theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is all the time the safest and most probably rationalization for any conjunction of curious circumstances ..." (*90).

And what does this response imply? It implies that "coincidence idea" is what the Post espouses when it would like not to admit to a conspiracy. In other phrases, some issues just "happen". And, apart from, conspiracy to do certain things would be a crime; "coincidence" is a safer wager.

Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it's rumored, serves as Executive Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91) not too long ago issued a warning about presidential candidates "who've begun to mutter a few press conspiracy". Ordinarily, Harwood would merely dismiss these prices as "signs of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American political class" (*92).

But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers; they used the "C" phrase in opposition to the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his off-the-cuff comment into an entire column ending it with:

"We are the brand new journalists, immersed too long, maybe, within the cleansing waters of political conformity. But conspirators we ain't".

Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime".

Therein he discussed the difficulties in convincing editors to just accept vital information tales. He illustrated the article with his own experiences on the Post, the place he says he was often called "the largest pain within the ass in the office" (*93).

- Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists by the hands of editors is a matter of random coincidence?And that such coverage as Mintz described is made independently by editors with out affect from fellow editors or from management?

- Would Harwood have us imagine that on the countless workplace "conferences" through which news individuals are ever in attendance, there is no dialogue of which tales will run and which of them will find insufficient area?

- That there isn't any advanced planning for tales or that there aren't any cooperative efforts among the workers?

- Or that within the face of our news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a Post journalist could be free to offer news space to candidate Agran equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton?

Let's face it: these possibilities are about as possible as Barbara Bush entertaining visitors at a soup kitchen.

Would Harwood have us consider that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling lower than the truth in his account of wire-service management over information:

"The largely nameless males who management the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire photograph machines determine at a single determination what tens of millions will see and listen to. ...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers preside over an operation wherein an appalling amount of press agentry sneaks in the again door of American journalism and marches untouched out the entrance door as 'news'" (*95).

When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge Clarence Thomas violated U.S. legislation when he failed to take away himself from a case during which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the animal feed empire, is the household fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator John Danforth. The Post restricted its protection of the Thomas malfeasance to fifty six phrases buried in the middle of a 1200-phrase article (*97).

Would Harwood have us believe that the virtually full blackout on this matter by the most important information media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if she had wished to? Can a brick swim?

Or take the effective report produced final September by Ralph Nader's Public Citizen. Titled All of the Vice President's Men, it documents "How the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health, Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published "The President's Understudy", a seven-part collection on Vice President Quayle. Although this collection does deal with Quayle's role with the Competitiveness Council, its handling of the Council's disastrous impression on America is inadequate.

It's 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle memorabilia: youth, family, faculty document, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations, rich associates, government associates, golf, travels, spouse Marilyn, and web price revealing little about Quayle's skills, his understanding of society's problems, or his ideas about justice and freedom, and never mentioning the complete Nader examine of Quayle's report in the Bush Administration (*98).

Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget in regards to the Nader examine? Or did both of them neglect? Or did one, or the opposite, or both decide not to say it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever focus on collectively their jointly authored stories? Did they resolve to publish such a barren set of articles because it could improve their reputations? How did administration feel about the use of valuable information area for such frivolity? Is it doable that so many pages were devoted to this twaddle without folks "appearing or working together towards the same outcome or goal"? (*99)

Do crocodiles fly?

On March 20, entrance-web page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the brand new York Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:

- TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE CLEARING CLINTON'S PATH

- TSONGAS ABANDONS Campaign LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH Toward SHOWDOWN WITH BUSH

- TSONGAS CLEARS Way FOR CLINTON

- TSONGAS EXIT CLEARS Way FOR CLINTON

This show of editorial independence ought to at the very least increase questions of whether or not the news media collective mindset is actually different from that of any other cartel like oil, diamond, power, (*100) or manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a combination of independent commercial enterprises designed to limit competitors" (*101).

The Washington Post editorial page carries the heading:

AN Independent NEWSPAPER

Is it? Of course not. There most likely is not any such thing. Does the Post "conspire" to keep its staff and its newspaper from wandering too far from the security of mediocrity?

The Post would reply that the query is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post's phone conversations, I can only speculate on how carefully the media elite should monitor the staff. But we all know the way few micro-seconds it takes a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are "safe", and that experienced reporters do not should ask.

What's extra important, nonetheless, than speculating about how the Post communicates within its personal corporate construction and with different members of the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in public, specifically, how it shapes and censors the information.

Sincerely, Julian C. Holmes

Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news media, And - perhaps a number of others.

Notes to Letter of April 25, 1992:

1. Mark Hosenball, "The ultimate Conspiracy", Washington Post, September 11, 1988, p.C1 2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the Post censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to Robert Gates. 2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "Iran-Contra Figure Dodges Extradition", Washington Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May 26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post (see note 2a).. 2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Wish to Extradite", Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). because it appeared in the Post (see word 2a).. 3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, and so on., United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986. 3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs to U.S.", Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986. 3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews with Robert Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990. 4. Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1987. 5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181. 5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug Smuggling", Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07. 5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington Post, July 24,1987, p.A3. 5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel's Letter- to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the Congressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7. 6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail", Boston Globe, April 10, 1988. 6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10, 1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22. 6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra The Coverup Continues", The Progressive, November 1988, p.24. 6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December 1988. 7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory", Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1. 7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The newest Version of the 1980 'Hostage- Deal' Story Continues to be Full of Holes", Washington Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2. 8a. Barbara Honegger, October Surprise, New York: Tudor, 1989. 8b. Gary Sick, October Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random House, 1991. 9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage", Playboy, October 1988, p.73. 9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, "The Election Held Hostage", FRONTLINE, WGBH-Tv,April 16, 1991. 10a. Reuter, "Ex-Hostages Seek Probe By Congress", Washington Post, June 14,1991,p.A4. 10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium, Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For brand new Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New York, NY, 10016. 11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into 'OctoberSurprise'", Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11. 11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The Guardian, December 11, 1991, p.7. 11c. Jack Colhoun, "October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer", The Guardian, February 26, 1992, p.3. 12. See notice 5a, p.180-1. 13a. See be aware 4, p.229, 240-1. 13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November 1987, p.139-141. 14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob McEwen; January 26, 1989. 14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S. Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990. 14c. "Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer", Scripps-Howard News Service,April 25, 1991. 15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the Case of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989. 16. Brian Glick, War at Home, Boston: South End Press, 1989. 17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard The U.S. Role in the brand new World Order, Boston: South End Press, 1991, p.121. 18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press, Macmillan, 1978, p.93. 19. R. Jeffrey Smith, "Study of A-Plant Neighbors' Health Urged", Washington Post, July 13, 1990, p.A6. 20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend Price Tag Mounts to clean Up Nuclear Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992, p.1K. 21. "The Nuclear Industry's Secret PR Strategy", Extra!, March 1992, p.15. 22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need for PublicPolicy Reform", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.E947-9. 22b. Samuel S. Epstein, "The Cancer Establishment", Washington Post, March 10, 1992. 23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL Scandal", Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014. 23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq Policy", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285. 23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal Adviser, Memorandum to Jeanne S. Archibald et al, "Meeting on congressional requests for data and documents", April 8, 1991; Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285. 24a. Michio Kaku, "Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses", The Guardian, March11, 1992, p.4. 24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case", Variety Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25. 25. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991 Letter to"Friends", p.1. 26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is Hired to promote Smithsonian Project", Washington Post, November 18, 1991, p.Bus.8. 27. Hans Koning, "Teach the reality About Columbus", Washington Post, September 3,1991, p.A19. 28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St. Louis Post/Dispatch, March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A High-Tech Watergate", New York Times, October 21,1991. 29. "BCCI NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared by Burrelle's Information Services. The quote is from New York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his personal unbiased investigation of BCCI. 30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See notice 29, p.5. 31. Jack Colhoun, "BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush's Closet", The Guardian, September 18, 1991, p.9. 32. Robert Morgenthau. See notice 29, p.10. 33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback edition, p.227. 34. See word 33, p.136-7. 35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see be aware 33, p.157. 36. See observe 33, p.164-171. 37. See notice 33, p.172-180. 38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House, 1990. The quote is from Ralph Nader's Introduction, p.iii. 39. See notice 33, p.217. 40. See observe 33, p.235. 41. See observe 33, p.277-288. 42. See note 33, p.323. 43. Katherine Hoyt Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund Newsletter, March1992, p.1. 44. William Blum, The CIA A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books Ltd., 1986,p.232-243. 45a. John Stockwell, In the hunt for Enemies, New York: Norton, 1978. 45b. See note 44, p.284-291. 46. See notice 17, p.18. 47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama (James Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published within the Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163. 47b. Philip E. Wheaton, Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press, 1992, p.145-7. 48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam Books, 1977,p.521. 48b. "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission, December 2, 1949. Cited in 48a, p.521. 49a. See word 44, p.67-76. 49b. See note 48a, p.530-1. 50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square Publications, 1983,p.60. 51. HR-3385, "An Act to supply Assistance totally free and Fair Elections in Nicaragua". Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4, 1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of sixty four to 35. 52. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post", The Guardian,November 20, 1991, p.6. 53. Carl Bernstein, Time, February 24, 1992, Cover Story p.28-35. 54. "The U.S. and the Vatican on Birth Control", Time, February 24, 1992, p.35. 55. "Time's Missing Link: Poland to Latin America", National Catholic Reporter,February 28, 1992, p.24. 56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission", Benning Patriot, February 21, 1992, p.12. 56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion", News Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903. 57. 60 MINUTES, CBS, March 8, 1992. 58. Jack Colhoun, "Tricky Dick's Quick Election Fix", The Guardian, January 29,1992, p.18. 59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against Police", Boston Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1. 59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case", Washington Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3. 59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video", WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20. 59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide", Washington Post, May 18, 1991, p.B1. 59e. Jay Mathews, "L.A. Police Laughed at Beating", Washington Post, March 19, 1991, p.A1. 59f. David Maraniss, "One Cop's View of Police Violence", Washington Post, April 12,1991, p.A1. 59g. From News Services, "Police Abuse Detailed", Washington Post, February 8, 1992,p.A8. 60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions", Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.A1. 61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback", Washington Post, March 14, 1992, p.D1. 62a. See notes 48 and 49. 62b. See be aware 47b, p.63-76. 62c. "Fairness In Broadcasting Act of 1987", U.S. Senate Bill S742. 62d. "Now Let That 'Fairness' Bill Die", Editorial, Washington Post, June 24, 1987. The Post opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting Act. 63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America The Mafia Murder of President John F.Kennedy, New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988, p.viii. 64. See be aware 63, p.28. 65a. Chuck Conconi, "Out and About", Washington Post, February 26, 1991, p.B3. 65b. George Lardner Jr., "On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland", Washington Post, May19, 1991, p.D1. 65c. George Lardner, "...Or Just a Sloppy Mess", Washington Post, June 2, 1991,p.D3. 65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories When Will we Dig Up BillCasey?", Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19. 65e. Eric Brace, "Personalities", Washington Post, October 31, 1991, p.C3. 65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned Warren Commission Attorney Calls Stone Film 'An enormous Lie'", Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14. 65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How About the truth?", Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21. 65h. Rita Kemply, "'JFK': History Through A Prism", Washington Post, December 20,1991, p.D1. 65i. George Lardner Jr., "The way it Wasn't In 'JFK', Stone Assassinates the reality", Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2. 65j. Desson Howe, "Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?", Washington Post, December 20,1991, p.55. 65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire In Defending His 'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1. 65l. George F. Will, "'JFK': Paranoid History", Washington Post, December 26, 1991,p.A23. 65m. "On Screen", 'JFK' film review, Washington Post, Weekend, December 27, 1991. 65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Shadow Play", Washington Post, December 27, 1991, p.A21. 65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The Paranoid Style", Washington Post, December 29,1991, p.C7. 65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! Why Did Oliver Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?", Washington Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2. 65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts Moviegoers Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone", Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1. 65r. Michael R. Beschloss, "Assassination and Obsession", Washington Post, January 5, 1992, p.C1. 65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington Post, January 10,1992, p.A19. 65t. Art Buchwald, "Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy", Washington Post, January 14, 1992,p.E1. 65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories Good on Film, But the Motivation Is All Wrong", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.G1. 65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie America's Resort to Conspiracy Thinking", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1. 65w. Richard Cohen, "Oliver's Twist", Washington Post Magazine, January 19, 1992, p.5. 65. Michael Isikoff, "Seeking JFK's Missing Brain", Washington Post, January 21,1992, p.A17. 65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere", Washington Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5. 65z. Joel Achenbach, "JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts", Washington Post, February 28, 1992, p.C5. 65A. List of books on one of the best-seller listing: On the Trail of the Assassins is characterized as "conspiracy plot theories", Washington Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12 66. See notes 65n, 65w, 65l, 65b, 65c, and 65i. 67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers". Published within the Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume V,p.211-247. 67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy The secret Road to the Second Indochina War, Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p. 215-224. 67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416. 67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4. 67e. John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam, New York: Warner Books, 1992. 67f. Peter Dale Scott, Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9, 1992, p.290. 68a. See be aware 65b. 68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK Assassination", Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3. 69. See word 65b. 70. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner Books, 1988, 315/318. 71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery Charge", Washington Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3. 72. See note 65c. 73. See be aware 65i. 74. See notice 67e, p.438-450. 75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington Post, Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8. 76a. Tad Szulc, "New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe", Washington Star,September 19, 1975, p.A1. 76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Daily 'This Bullet Business Leaves Me Confused'", Washington Star, September 20, 1975, p.A1. 76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission Dulles Proposed that the Minutes be Destroyed", Washington Star, September 21, 1975,p.A1. 77. "Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report", New York Times, December 26, 1977, p.A37. 78. Deborah Davis, Katharine The great, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979,p.141-2. 79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship Killing 'Katharine The nice'", The Nation, November 12, 1983. 79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The nice, Bethesda MD: National Press, 1987. Davis says, "...corporate documents that turned accessible during my subsequent lawsuit